ahmed sylla origine peulparking tignes été

If those exiles did not directly destabilise the Malian regime, the exodus led to frustration, distrust and discontent among the northern population.

The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MPLA), the main group active during the rebellion, was reorganised around the Ifogha community and led by Iyad ag Ghali. While rebel entrepreneurs (such as Iyad ag Ghali for instance) and some southern politicians share a common responsibility for the conflict, other actors have acted as ‘passive co-producers’ of tensions between north and south.Regional interference and the regional leadership race between Algeria and Libya have played a part in aggravating the disagreements between Malian communities. The Macina witnessed a massive conversion to Islam in previous years, which provided new organisational rules for its population and served as a pretext to unsettle Bambara domination. On 14 September 2008, a fight broke out in Gao between a group of Ganda Iso (allegedly led by Diallo) and the men of Gamou. Rebel groups decided to coordinate into a ‘Coordination des mouvements et fronts unifiés de l’Azawad’ in order to negotiate the National Pact. Sylla, Yèro. Those community divisions explain the growth of armed groups (especially within the Tuaregs) and, at the same time, help to explain the difficulty of implementing a viable solution to the crisis.

The origins of the Fulani are highly disputed, some believing that they are of North African or Arabic origin, others arguing that they descend from nomads from both North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa.

Iyad ag Ghali led the Alliance for Democracy and Change (ADC) with Ibrahim ag Bahanga and Hassan ag Fagaga, who later decided to split and create the North Mali Alliance for Change (ATNMC).

The Platform and Coordination groups that are supposed to represent northern interests in the peace process do not have a common agenda, including on territorial matters (autonomy, federalism, decentralisation – among other issues). Not only did the Tuareg try to establish themselves as the ‘voice of the north’, articulating the grievances of every community in the northern regions, they also conducted regular attacks on Songhay and Fulani sedentary and semi-nomadic populations.In the 1990s, during the second Tuareg rebellion, a Songhay self-defence militia, the Ganda Koy (‘masters of the land’), was created to protect sedentary populations against bandits and lighter-skinned nomads (primarily Tuareg and Arabs, commonly referred to as ‘the Whites’).

Rédigé par Publié sur un texte de Boubou Hama et publié depuis

Dans ces conditions, Askia même du Toro, n'est pas Torodè n'est certainement, pas Peul.Un passage du Fettach (page 114) en fait un Silla(Sylla) donc un Soninké.

3 Septembre 2018

They then represented the dominant Tuareg group in Mali before being supplanted by the Ifoghas, who were supported by the colonial administration because they were less hostile to foreign troops.

Indeed, from the signature of the While the positions, political allegiances or regional interests of each Tuareg or Arab group have differed historically, the political use of northern divisions by colonial and post-colonial actors (sometimes with a reversal of ancient social organisations) has also deeply complicated any understanding of northern dynamics.

This event confirmed the deep distrust between southern communities (mostly Bambaras) and Tuareg or Arab members.The 1990s rebellion further divided the Tuareg community and highlighted tensions that still strongly shape northern communities. In deciding to do so, the Malian government gave its implicit consent to a The history of national and inter-community violence in Mali has accompanied the post-colonial state-building process. The popular support among Tuareg and Arab populations for some rebel movements and armed groups, and the authority the rebel leaders have had over some northern populations, are good illustrations of the inequalities collectively experienced by the northern population.The subsequent rebellions in Mali have, in turn, aggravated the long-standing community distrust. While fighters from the Kidal Ifogha ruling clan signed the Tamanrasset agreement in 1991, the Tamasheq lower class (Imghad) and the Tuareg from Timbuktu (Kel Instar) or Menaka (Chaman-Amas) split from Iyad ag Ghali’s While numerically inferior in northern Mali, Arab communities are far less divided than the Tuaregs.

The Libyan regime ‘warmly’ welcomed those climate-driven refugees as the Jamahiriya leader, Muammar Qaddafi, saw them as a way to assert his political influence in the Sahara.

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